Bangladesh events, a reflection of South Asia’s minorities

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The political developments in Bangladesh, particularly violence against Hindus, since the deposition of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in August 2024, have again raised apprehensions regarding the status of religious minorities in the country. In the broader perspective of the current circumstances of Indian Muslims and minorities in Pakistan, those of minorities in South Asia have reached an unprecedented low since Partition. Not long ago, religious minorities in India, particularly Muslims, were comparatively better off than those in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Political trends in each of these nations suggest a continued decline.

A subject that is still in focus

British India’s Partition in 1947 was supposed to resolve the question of religious minorities, particularly Hindu-Muslim. Partition, with its unsettling legacy, has emerged as the principal issue facing the subcontinent. The management of Partition, particularly the methods and legacies it has bequeathed to the separate countries, has become a subject of incessant political disputes, surpassing the event itself. The anguish and the resentment of those who crossed over into India have fuelled the ascendance of a hegemonic Hindutva nationalism. Moreover, Partition has engendered new classifications of socio-political entities, such as Mohajirs in Pakistan and Bangladeshi refugees in India. Next, there exists the Kashmir conundrum. Furthermore, Partition, based on the Hindu-Muslim issue, has involved other minorities, including Sikhs and Christians, in its contentious dynamics, rendering the minority question pivotal for the region’s sustainability. The fate of religious minorities in South Asia is evidently interconnected, necessitating profound reflection on how to handle it for the region’s peace and prosperity.

Owing to the movement of people across the newly established boundaries post-Partition, the issue of minorities emerged as a serious one for the new leadership of both India and Pakistan. Notable political personalities in India, such as Syama Prasad Mookerjee and B.C. Roy, initiated discussions regarding definitive solutions to the issue of potential mass population exchange between India and Pakistan. In response to the escalating refugee issue from East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), Sardar Patel proposed the extraction of substantial land from East Pakistan to house the influx of migrants. It signified the military occupation of the Khulna and Jessore districts in the former East Bengal. The Nehru-Liaquat Ali accord, which was made in 1950 against this backdrop, was aimed not only at resolving the minority question but also at the prevention of possible war. K.C. Neogy and Syama Prasad Mookerjee resigned, as anticipated.

Historian Pallavi Raghavan provides an in-depth examination of the Nehru-Liaquat Ali Pact in her book, Animosity at Bay: An Alternative History of the India-Pakistan Relationship, 1947-1952. Efforts were undertaken to institutionalise the Pact, resulting in the establishment of a Branch Secretariat of the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) in Calcutta. The Pakistani newspaper, Dawn, praised the Pact as a ‘breath of fresh air’. The region’s geopolitics saw a significant transformation in the post-Nehru era. The Nehru-Liaquat Ali Pact, intended to safeguard minority rights in Pakistan, ultimately neglected the rights of its Muslim majority, specifically Bengali Muslims in East Bengal, culminating in the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971. The two-nation theory ultimately resulted in the establishment of three nations in the subcontinent.

India-Bangladesh ties need recalibration

Although India made significant contributions to the liberation of Bangladesh, the relationship between the two countries was not solely influenced by Bangladesh’s enduring appreciation towards India. The current status of Hindus in Bangladesh has become a significant concern in India-Bangladesh relations. Recent discussions have focused on whether the violence against Hindus in Bangladesh is politically driven or indicative of a new era of persecution against them. Some contend that India has erred by diminishing its relations with Bangladesh to a focus solely on Sheikh Hasina’s family. By designating the problem of Hindus as a bilateral matter, India aims to present a new spin on its comparative advantage regarding India-Bangladesh ties. The secular fabric of Bangladeshi society has always been tenuous, with no consensus among the contending ideological factions. India must recalibrate its connection with the populace of Bangladesh and its democratic entities, rather than focusing on a specific family or political party.

The overall picture

The fate of religious minorities in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh is deeply intertwined, and there is a need for a new language and new institutions to address the issue of their rights. The restricted experiment of the Nehru-Liaquat Ali alliance imparts relevant lessons even in contemporary times. The notion that people with a shared history might cultivate a common future is not wholly utopian. Consequently, discussions regarding Partition must be reinvigorated in order to foster better understanding between Hindus and Muslims in South Asia. Further, recognising that minority rights are most effectively safeguarded inside a secular democracy, there is a necessity for novel initiatives not only in India but also in Pakistan and Bangladesh. When Indian Hindus express concern solely for Hindus in Bangladesh and Muslims in Pakistan advocate this exclusively for Muslims in India, such political conduct implies greater solidarity for co-religionists within their own religious communities than a commitment to minority rights. This political milieu legitimises majoritarian ideology across boundaries, fostering circumstances for hatred and violence.

Shaikh Mujibur Rehman is the author of Shikwa-e- Hind: The Political Future of Indian Muslims (2024). The views expressed are personal